James Goodfellow: If British Conservatives want to govern again, they should take some lessons from the Germans

James Goodfellow is a writer on European politics and British conservatism. He holds a degree in Politics and International Relations and has lived and studied in Germany.

On the 23rd of February 2025, Friedrich Merz led Germany’s Christian Democratic Union (CDU) to electoral success, providing timely lessons for the UK Conservative Party.

At a time when the UK party is struggling to define itself, clinging too often to Labour’s unpopularity as a substitute for its own vision, the CDU is showing what pragmatic, forward-thinking conservatism can look like in practice.

Britain’s Conservative Party has been lurching from slogan to slogan like “levelling up” to “long-term decisions”, all with limited follow-through. After more than a decade in power, public trust is, with good reason, worn thin. Knowing this, rather than articulating a clear governing mission, the party too often defines itself by what it is against; not Labour, not woke, not Brussels. Of course, if the party is going to be a viable governing alternative, it can’t live off opposition alone. The CDU is showing that centre-right politics can be both distinct and constructive, forward-looking without losing its roots.

Merz has not radically reinvented the CDU, but he has modernised its priorities. In February’s federal election, the CDU secured 28.5 per cent of the vote – a 4.4-point gain – emerging as the strongest party in a fragmented field. Under his leadership, the party supported a €1 trillion public investment strategy, allocating €500 billion to infrastructure and significant funds to defence and green initiatives. This was a bold step for a party long associated with fiscal restraint, and yet it wasn’t a surrender of conservative principles. What this reflects is a clear understanding that investment in infrastructure, energy resilience and national security isn’t left-wing indulgence, but good governance.

In the UK there’s still a tendency among some on the right to see public investment as suspect, as if borrowing to rebuild crumbling services is somehow incompatible with conservative values. The German example shows us that conservative parties can and should be champions of national renewal, not just stewards of managed decline. The CDU has shown that economic credibility and investment aren’t mutually exclusive, and that is a lesson we should take seriously.

What we are seeing in Germany isn’t an isolated case, either. Conservative parties across Europe are being forced to choose between renewal and retreat. Les Républicains in France have failed to modernise and risk irrelevance, squeezed by both Macron and the far right.

In contrast, Italy’s Fratelli d’Italia has successfully blended national identity with economic strategy, appealing to a broader base than its origins would have suggested. These examples show that centre-right politics is in flux, and those who adapt are the ones with staying power. Germany’s CDU is adapting. The British Conservatives must do the same.

Another area where Merz has made progress is youth engagement.

The CDU’s youth wing, the Junge Union, has been given visibility and influence, helping to frame the party’s message around issues that younger voters actually care about – climate, tech, education, jobs. It hasn’t hurt the party’s standing with older voters; it’s simply helped it remain relevant. Although younger voters in Germany are increasingly fragmented – with some leaning toward alternative parties – the CDU’s effort to modernise its message has been a step in the right direction.

The Young Conservatives on the other hand, exist but very much in name only. If we’re serious about winning future elections, we need to speak credibly to young people about their lives and show them that conservatism can be forward-looking, not just nostalgic.

The CDU’s success has also come from a skill that British politics has almost forgotten: coalition building. Following the election, the CDU began coalition talks with the Social Democrats (SPD), seeking common ground on fiscal and defence strategy. While there are real policy differences between the parties, that hasn’t stopped the CDU from seeking common ground – a quality that used to be considered a strength in politics, not a weakness.

Germany’s political culture is built for compromise in a way Westminster often resists. Coalition governments are the norm, and cooperation across party lines is not treated as betrayal. By contrast, Britain’s first-past-the-post system rewards tribalism and encourages parties to retreat into narrow electoral bases rather than broaden their appeal. This may have helped the Conservative Party survive without serious renewal, but that time is running out. With an increasingly fractured electorate and growing pressure from both the centre and the populist right, survival alone is no longer enough. Rebuilding trust and relevance will mean embracing strategic alliances and doing so without abandoning core principles. That won’t come from slogans or sentimentality, but from a willingness to listen, adapt, and lead.

This isn’t to say that Merz’s shift has pleased everyone, as his spending plans have drawn criticism from some traditionalists in the party, but it is often the case that politics that tries to please everyone usually ends up meaning nothing to anyone. A little friction is the price of progress, and that is why the CDU is winning.

The UK Conservative Party is now in a period of reflection. It can either retreat into slogans and nostalgia, or it can look outward and learn. Germany shows that a conservative party can remain grounded in its values while adapting to the world as it is – and as it’s becoming.

We should take that lesson seriously. Renewal is possible. But only if we’re willing to do the hard work of modernising without losing sight of what we stand for.